Suchergebnisse

Political actors use ICTs in a different manner and in different degrees when it comes to achieving a closer relationship between the public and politicians. Usually, political parties develop ICT strategies only for electoral campaigning and therefore restrain ICT usages to providing information and establishing a few channels of communication. By contrast, local governments make much more use of ICT tools for participatory and deliberative purposes. These differences in usages have not been well explained in the literature because of a lack of a comprehensive explanatory model. This chapter seeks to build the basis for this model, that is, to establish which factors affect and condition different political uses of ICTs and which principles underlie that behaviour. We consider that political actors are intentional and their behaviour is mediated by the political institutions and the socioeconomic context of the country. Also, though, the actor¿s own characteristics, such as the type and size of the organization or the model of e-democracy that the actor upholds, can have an influence in launching ICT initiatives for approaching the public.

The first title in the "Vull Saber" series, La democràcia electrònica (e-Democracy) written by the political scientist Jordi Sànchez, represents a highly relevant work as it deals with a very current subject matter which can be of interest not only to politicians and public authorities, butalso to any citizen who uses new technologies and wishes to gain greater insight into the impact that technological changes have on the world of politics. Each title in the series aims to provide an introduction to a subject by condensing the most relevant information over a limited number of pages. The book invites us to reflect on the potential of the Internet to transform the political system of representative democracy and sets out the most important events that have occurred in this ambit: e-voting, open parliaments, online forums, citizen consultations, two-way communication between politicians and citizens, etc. Throughout the book, there are many useful links and Web page references to different issues surrounding e-democracy. In November 2005, the UOC's virtual Campus hosted a virtual debate focusing on the contents of the book and open to all members of the UOC community. The level of participation in the debate (more than 60 participants) highlighted the interest surrounding information and communication technologies as new social and political tools. ; El primer número de la colección «Vull Saber» titulado La democràcia electrònica y escrito por el politólogo JordiSànchez resulta muy pertinente porque el tema es de gran actualidad y puede interesar tanto a políticos y auto-ridades como a cualquier ciudadano que utilice las nuevas tecnologías y quiera conocer el impacto de los cambios tecnológicos en el mundo político. En pocas páginas, dado que el objetivo de la colección es concentrar la información más relevante para comprender un tema, el libro nos hace reflexionar sobre las potencialidades de Internet para transformar y mejorar la democracia representativa y presenta las experiencias más importantes que se han desarrollado en este ámbito: voto electrónico, parlamentos abiertos, foros en línea, consultas ciudadanas, comunicación bidireccional entre políticos y ciudadanos, etc. Resulta útil también porque a lo largo del libro se recogen numerosas webs y enlaces sobre las diversas experiencias que tienen un impacto transformador en nuestros sistemas políticos. Dado el interés de estos temas, del 14 al 22 de noviembre del 2005 se emprendió un debate virtual sobre el contenido del libro y en el que podían participar los miembros de toda lacomunidad UOC. El debate y la presentación del libro se situó en el nuevo espacio Comunidad/Actividades/Presentaciones Virtuales del Campus. La importante participación en el debate (más de 60 participantes) demuestra el interés que despiertan las nuevas tecnologías de la información y la comunicación como nuevas herramientas políticas y sociales.

There have been growing concerns regarding the potential impact of social media on democracy and public debate. While some theorists have claimed that ICTs and social media would bring about a new independent public sphere and increase exposure to political divergence, others have warned that they would lead to polarization through the formation of echo chambers. The issue of social media echo chambers is both crucial and widely debated. This article attempts to provide a comprehensive account of the scientific literature on this issue, shedding light on the different approaches, their similarities, differences, benefits, and drawbacks, and offering a consolidated and critical perspective that can hopefully support future research in this area. Concretely, it presents the results of a systematic review of 55 studies investigating the existence of echo chambers on social media, providing a first classification of the literature and identifying patterns across the studies¿ foci, methods and findings. We found that conceptual and methodological choices influence the results of research on this issue. Most importantly, articles that found clear evidence of echo chambers on social media were all based on digital trace data. In contrast, those that found no evidence were all based on self-reported data. Future studies should take into account the possible biases of the different approaches and the significant potential of combining self-reported data with digital trace data.

The new parties that emerged following the 15-M movement and against the austerity measures in Spain want to build parties open to the participation and deliberation for all the citizenry. To what extent are these ideals being fulfilled? The aim of this article is to describe and assess some of the main online deliberative processes of the two most important parties, Podemos and Barcelona en Comú, following commonly accepted criteria in the literature for measuring online deliberation. Specifically, we have examined the two most-voted proposals from the online platform Plaza Podemos and the online development of the electoral programme of Barcelona en Comú. Thus, we have conducted a content analysis of 713 ( Plaza Podemos) and 563 (Barcelona en Comú) posts. Both platforms meet the structural and technical criteria for fostering deliberation, but the external impact is high only in the case of Barcelona en Comú. The deliberative quality of the communication is good but not the criteria of reflexivity, inclusion and plurality. ; Los nuevos partidos que surgieron después del movimiento 15-M y en contra de las medidas de austeridad en España quieren construir partidos abiertos a la participación y deliberación para toda la ciudadanía. ¿Hasta qué punto se están cumpliendo estos ideales? El objetivo de este artículo es describir y evaluar algunos de los principales procesos deliberativos en línea de las dos partes más importantes, Podemos y Barcelona en Comú, siguiendo los criterios comúnmente aceptados en la literatura para medir la deliberación en línea. Específicamente, hemos examinado las dos propuestas más votadas de la plataforma en línea Plaza Podemos y el desarrollo en línea del programa electoral de Barcelona en Comú. Por lo tanto, realizamos un análisis de contenido de 713 (Plaza Podemos) y 563 (Barcelona en Comú). Ambas plataformas cumplen los criterios estructurales y técnicos para fomentar la deliberación, pero el impacto externo es alto solo en el caso de Barcelona en Comú. La calidad deliberativa de la comunicación es buena, pero no los criterios de reflexividad, inclusión y pluralidad. ; Els nous partits que van sorgir després del moviment 15-M i en contra de les mesures d'austeritat a Espanya volen construir partits oberts a la participació i deliberació per a tota la ciutadania. Fins a quin punt s'estan complint aquests ideals? L'objectiu d'aquest article és descriure i avaluar alguns dels principals processos deliberatius en línia de les dues parts més importants, Podemos i Barcelona en Comú, seguint els criteris comunament acceptats en la literatura per mesurar la deliberació en línia. Específicament, hem examinat les dues propostes més votades de la plataforma en línia Plaza Podemos i el desenvolupament en línia del programa electoral de Barcelona en Comú. Per tant, vam realitzar una anàlisi de contingut de 713 (Plaza Podemos) i 563 (Barcelona en Comú). Les dues plataformes compleixen els criteris estructurals i tècnics per fomentar la deliberació, però l'impacte extern és alt només en el cas de Barcelona en Comú. La qualitat deliberativa de la comunicació és bona, però no els criteris de reflexivitat, inclusió i pluralitat.

Nove stranke, koje su se pojavile nakon pokreta 15-M te kao odgovor na mjere štednje u Španjolskoj, žele se razvijati kao stranke otvorene za sudjelovanje i deliberaciju svih građana. U kojoj se mjeri ostvaruju ti ideali? Cilj je ovog članka opisati i vrednovati procese online deliberacije dviju najvažnijih stranaka u Španjolskoj, Podemos i Barcelona En Comú, na temelju uobičajenih kriterija u literaturi kojima se mjeri online deliberacija. Konkretno, analizirali smo dva prijedloga o kojima se najviše glasovalo na online platformi Plaza Podemos te online razvoj izbornog programa stranke Barcelona En Comú. Provedena je analiza sadržaja 713 objava s online platforme Plaza Podemos i 563 objave koje se tiču izbornog programa stranke Barcelona En Comú. Obje platforme posjeduju strukturne i tehničke kriterije za poticanje deliberacije, ali je vanjski utjecaj vidljiv samo u slučaju stranke Barcelona En Comú. Kvaliteta deliberativne komunikacije je dobra, ali kriteriji refleksivnosti, inkluzije i pluralnosti nisu zadovoljeni. ; The new parties that emerged following the 15-M movement and against the austerity measures in Spain want to build parties open to the participation and deliberation for all the citizenry. To what extent are these ideals being fulfilled? The aim of this article is to describe and assess some of the main online deliberative processes of the two most important parties, Podemos and Barcelona En Comú, following commonly accepted criteria in the literature for measuring online deliberation. Specifically, we have examined the two most-voted proposals from the online platform Plaza Podemos and the online development of the electoral programme of Barcelona En Comú. Thus, we have conducted a content analysis of 713 (Plaza Podemos) and 563 (Barcelona En Comú) posts. Both platforms meet the structural and technical criteria for fostering deliberation, but the external impact is high only in the case of Barcelona En Comú. The deliberative quality of the communication is good but not the criteria of reflexivity, inclusion and plurality.

We present a dialogue between Rosa Borge Bravo, political scientist and lecturer at the Open University of Catalonia (Universidad Oberta de Cataluña) and Raquel (Lucas) Platero Méndez, psychologist –political scientist by adoption- and researcher at the Complutense University in Madrid, in which we discuss the issue of same-sex couple's adoption in Catalonia. We focus on the legal framework and access to rights in Spain and on the field of Psychology as professional practice, in which public policies are implemented. The 2005 Act allowing same sex marriage established requiremets for all (same and different sex) couples, including among other rights, adoption. Nonetheless, adoption regulation is under regional legislation, and therefore face heterogeneous realities. In Catalonia, as well as other regions, adoptions through public agencies are managed by private institutions, and the social intervention is carried out by psychologists and social workers. In this article, we discuss some cases and assesment reports, as well as the questions taken to the Catalonian Parliament and the reports presented to the Antidiscrimination Public Prosecutor Office, in which the difficulties in profesional practice emerge. In particular, the practice of Psychology shows heterosexist and homophobic biases. We will be concluding by presenting some ideas for a queer and critical psychology. ; Nuestra propuesta se trata de un diálogo entre Rosa Borge Bravo, politóloga y profesora de la Universidad Oberta de Cataluña y Raquel (Lucas) Platero Méndez, psicólogo -y politólogo por adopción- investigador en la Universidad Complutense de Madrid, en el que discutimos el ámbito de la adopción por parte de las parejas lesbianas y gays en el contexto de Cataluña. Hacemos énfasis no sólo en el marco legal y de derechos del estado español, sino en las prácticas profesionales de la psicología a la hora de delimitar el tránsito entre la política pública y la implementación de la misma. La ley que permite el matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo aprobada en 2005 establece las mismas condiciones para todo tipo de uniones, incluyendo entre otros derechos la adopción. Sin embargo la adopción sucede en el ámbito de las Comunidades Autónomas, donde las realidades son tremendamente heterogéneas. En el contexto de Cataluña, como ocurre en otras Comunidades Autónomas, estas adopciones públicas están mediadas por entidades privadas, en las que los profesionales de la intervención social son psicólogos y trabajadores sociales. Discutiremos algunos casos e informes de peritaje, así como las preguntas al Parlamento Catalán y los informes de la Fiscalía Antidiscriminación en los que se plantea las dificultades que surgen cuando las prácticas profesionales, en concreto desde la psicología, contiene valores heterosexistas, machistas y homófobos. Y cerraremos haciendo propuestas para una psicología crítica con una mirada queer.

We present a dialogue between Rosa Borge Bravo, political scientist and lecturer at the Open University of Catalonia (Universidad Oberta de Cataluña) and Raquel (Lucas) Platero Méndez, psychologist –political scientist by adoption- and researcher at the Complutense University in Madrid, in which we discuss the issue of same-sex couple's adoption in Catalonia. We focus on the legal framework and access to rights in Spain and on the field of Psychology as professional practice, in which public policies are implemented. The 2005 Act allowing same sex marriage established requiremets for all (same and different sex) couples, including among other rights, adoption. Nonetheless, adoption regulation is under regional legislation, and therefore face heterogeneous realities. In Catalonia, as well as other regions, adoptions through public agencies are managed by private institutions, and the social intervention is carried out by psychologists and social workers. In this article, we discuss some cases and assesment reports, as well as the questions taken to the Catalonian Parliament and the reports presented to the Antidiscrimination Public Prosecutor Office, in which the difficulties in profesional practice emerge. In particular, the practice of Psychology shows heterosexist and homophobic biases. We will be concluding by presenting some ideas for a queer and critical psychology. ; Nuestra propuesta se trata de un diálogo entre Rosa Borge Bravo, politóloga y profesora de la Universidad Oberta de Cataluña y Raquel (Lucas) Platero Méndez, psicólogo -y politólogo por adopción- investigador en la Universidad Complutense de Madrid, en el que discutimos el ámbito de la adopción por parte de las parejas lesbianas y gays en el contexto de Cataluña. Hacemos énfasis no sólo en el marco legal y de derechos del estado español, sino en las prácticas profesionales de la psicología a la hora de delimitar el tránsito entre la política pública y la implementación de la misma. La ley que permite el matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo aprobada en 2005 establece las mismas condiciones para todo tipo de uniones, incluyendo entre otros derechos la adopción. Sin embargo la adopción sucede en el ámbito de las Comunidades Autónomas, donde las realidades son tremendamente heterogéneas. En el contexto de Cataluña, como ocurre en otras Comunidades Autónomas, estas adopciones públicas están mediadas por entidades privadas, en las que los profesionales de la intervención social son psicólogos y trabajadores sociales. Discutiremos algunos casos e informes de peritaje, así como las preguntas al Parlamento Catalán y los informes de la Fiscalía Antidiscriminación en los que se plantea las dificultades que surgen cuando las prácticas profesionales, en concreto desde la psicología, contiene valores heterosexistas, machistas y homófobos. Y cerraremos haciendo propuestas para una psicología crítica con una mirada queer.

Social media is transforming relations among members of parliaments, but are members taking advantage of these new media to broaden their party and ideological communication environment, or they are mainly communicating with other party members and ideologically aligned peers? This article tests whether parliamentarians' use of Twitter is opening communication flows or confining them to representatives of the same party or ideology. The study is based on a data set spanning the period January 1, 2013, to March 31, 2014, which covers all relations (4,516), retweets (6,045), and mentions (19,507) among Catalan parliamentarians. Our results indicate that communication flows are polarized along party and ideological lines. The degree of polarization of this network depends, however, on where the interactions occur: The relations network is the most polarized; cross-party and cross-ideological interactions are greater in the retweet network and most present in the mention network.

The use of social media by parliamentarians is opening up a new communication arena. In Catalonia, where 85 percent of parliamentarians have a Twitter account, two questions emerge from this new social phenomenon. First, who are the opinion leaders of the parliamentarians' online political networks, and second, do the characteristics of the Members of Parliament' (MPs') Twitter networks and the attributes of the parliamentarians influence the likelihood of forming communication ties? This article seeks to ascertain whether social media are challenging party politics and leadership in communication flows in Parliament. We used a social network analysis of relationships among the Catalan parliamentarians with Twitter accounts (115 of the 135 members) to reveal the potential influencers of the following-follower network. Exponential Random Graph models were employed to determine the endogenous (network) and exogenous (node attributes) factors facilitating MPs' communication ties. We found evidence that Catalan MPs' communication ties arise from network dynamics (reciprocity and popularity) and from MPs' political position. We also discovered that new potential influencers, who are not official party leaders and do not play important roles in Parliament, are emerging as brokers within the Catalan parliamentary Twitter network.

The use of social media by parliamentarians is opening up a new communication arena. In Catalonia, where 85 percent of parliamentarians have a Twitter account, two questions emerge from this new social phenomenon. First, who are the opinion leaders of the parliamentarians' online political networks, and second, do the characteristics of the Members of Parliament' (MPs') Twitter networks and the attributes of the parliamentarians influence the likelihood of forming communication ties? This article seeks to ascertain whether social media are challenging party politics and leadership in communication flows in Parliament. We used a social network analysis of relationships among the Catalan parliamentarians with Twitter accounts (115 of the 135 members) to reveal the potential influencers of the following–follower network. Exponential Random Graph models were employed to determine the endogenous (network) and exogenous (node attributes) factors facilitating MPs' communication ties. We found evidence that Catalan MPs' communication ties arise from network dynamics (reciprocity and popularity) and from MPs' political position. We also discovered that new potential influencers, who are not official party leaders and do not play important roles in Parliament, are emerging as brokers within the Catalan parliamentary Twitter network.

The use of social media by parliamentarians is opening up a new communication arena. In Catalonia, where 85 percent of parliamentarians have a Twitter account, two questions emerge from this new social phenomenon. First, who are the opinion leaders of the parliamentarians' online political networks, and second, do the characteristics of the Members of Parliament' (MPs') Twitter networks and the attributes of the parliamentarians influence the likelihood of forming communication ties? This article seeks to ascertain whether social media are challenging party politics and leadership in communication flows in Parliament. We used a social network analysis of relationships among the Catalan parliamentarians with Twitter accounts (115 of the 135 members) to reveal the potential influencers of the following-follower network. Exponential Random Graph models were employed to determine the endogenous (network) and exogenous (node attributes) factors facilitating MPs' communication ties. We found evidence that Catalan MPs' communication ties arise from network dynamics (reciprocity and popularity) and from MPs' political position. We also discovered that new potential influencers, who are not official party leaders and do not play important roles in Parliament, are emerging as brokers within the Catalan parliamentary Twitter network.

This article seeks to test whether Twitter is contributing to the appearance of new opinion leaders or empowering already visible political leaders. The study is based on a data set spanning from January 1, 2013 to March 31, 2014 that covers all relationships (4,516), retweets (6,045) and mentions (19,507) of Catalan parliamentarians. The data sustains that having a parliamentarian position increases the probability of being an opinion leader of the following–follower and mention networks, but not so much of the retweet network. Although Twitter parliamentary networks reproduce leaderships "as usual," the most central opinion leaders in the retweet network are not official party leaders. Twitter activity, not official leadership, is a stronger predictor of centrality for both retweets and mentions received.

This article seeks to test if Twitter is opening communication flows between parties and paving the way for the appearance of network leaderships or if it is reducing them to representatives of the same party or ideology and empowering party leaders. The study is based on a dataset spanning from 1 January 2013 to 31 March 2014 which covers all relationships (4,516), retweets (6,045) and mentions (19,507) of Catalan parliamentarians. The data sustain that the political polarisation of Catalan parliamentarians¿ Twitter flows is deeper in the relationship and retweet networks than it is in the mention and that even if party leaders are still at the centre of communication flows, other parliamentarians are taking the floor and becoming network leaders. ; Este artículo trata de probar si Twitter abre flujos de comunicación entre partidos distintos y allana el camino para la aparición de liderazgos en la red o si los reduce a representantes del mismo partido o ideología y empodera a los líderes del partido. El estudio se basa en un conjunto de datos que abarca desde 1 de enero de 2013 al 31 de marzo de 2014 e incluye todas las relaciones (4516), retweets (6045) y menciones (19.507) de los parlamentarios catalanes. Los datos sostienen que la polarización política de los parlamentarios catalanes en los intercambios de Twitter es más profunda en las redes de relaciones y las redes de retweets que en las redes de menciones y que, aunque los líderes del partido se encuentran todavía en el centro de los flujos de comunicación, otros parlamentarios están tomando la palabra y se están convirtiendo en líderes en la red.